DVAW IN CONFLICT ZONES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
Forms of DVAW in Conflict Zones
Although the underlying factors that exacerbate DVAW are often similar, each country has its own
particularities in how this violence is carried out. In Libya, for example, women have long been used as
tools of war. Warring parties have not hesitated to exploit women as a means of shaming and insulting
their opponents through coordinated online campaigns. During the 2019 war on Tripoli, for instance—
where both sides enlisted foreign forces—each faction tried to humiliate the other by spreading claims
that the foreign soldiers were raping women while local men failed to defend their honour. These
narratives were disseminated through dedicated social media pages and video platforms, which served
as a parallel battleground to the one on the ground.
There have also been coordinated campaigns targeting women in politics and leadership positions
across various fields. This was confirmed by Meta’s December 2021 Coordinated Inauthentic Behaviour
Report, which revealed that Facebook accounts created primarily in Turkey were targeting individuals
in Libya. According to the report, “the people behind this activity were posting Arabic-language news
about current events in the region. The network created pages pretending to be run by prominent
female figures in order to post provocative statements on their behalf. Then, the network used its other
pages to criticize those fake posts and encourage harassment against those women.”
Similar attacks on female leaders have occurred in Yemen, Iraq, Sudan, and Syria, though each country
exhibits a distinct pattern. In Syria, for example, female journalists face digital violence even based on
their ethnic background, as revealed by an ARIJ investigation. That same study documented the
existence of private groups and channels—particularly on Facebook and Telegram—dedicated to socalled "scandals." These are often run by politically, religiously, or ethnically extreme groups, and are
notorious for attacking and defaming women. Their main activity revolves around blackmail, smear
campaigns, and publishing what they call “exposés.” Women who are active in public life are frequent
targets, and their names and images are circulated widely, with no effort to verify the claims being
made. This is especially likely in countries with ethnic diversity, such as Iraq and Palestine.
In Sudan, the dominant discourse has taken a hardline religious tone. It hasn’t only targeted women in
leadership roles—it’s also extended to any woman who dares to break with social norms, such as by
removing her head covering. Non-state actors have launched digital campaigns urging men to publicly
whip such women and report them to family members using digital tools, pressuring male relatives to
“discipline” the women in their families.
Sudanese journalists, both male and female, have been named on so-called “lists of shame and disgrace.”
According to a report from the Sudanese Journalists’ Syndicate, anonymous lists circulated with names of
journalists accused of supporting one faction or another in the conflict. The syndicate warned that being
named on such lists could put journalists at risk of physical harm once fighting subsides.
Digital violence has also targeted women who challenge social norms in other spheres—such as female
football players. One player who took part in the women’s league said that negative comments on
Facebook, audience chants, and even remarks from coaches led several women to quit the sport. Some
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