4. Findings Women are left to deal with this alone. FGD — Civil society actors In terms of where people report, the clearest pattern is that reporting is more likely to happen within personal or civil society support circles than through official channels. Several survivors described selective disclosure to trusted individuals: one woman reported sharing only with her husband and not wider circles, while another noted that discussing cyberbullying with family or friends can itself generate stigma. In parallel, some survivors and journalists described seeking support through hotlines or organizations, or relying on networks to mediate reporting, e.g., one journalist described that through a human rights network, reporting may be filed via friends to secure the right to a safe online environment. These accounts point to a preference for buffered, relationship-based pathways when support is sought. By contrast, platform reporting appeared in the data mainly as an extension of individual coping (block/report/ delete) but was repeatedly framed as limited in effect. Journalists described actions such as blocking accounts, reporting profiles, closing/freezing accounts, and permanently deleting obscene comments, indicating that platform tools are used primarily for immediate harm reduction rather than justice. FGDs conveyed skepticism about what reporting achieves in practice; youth activists explicitly questioned what happens after reporting and concluded: “There is no real benefit or response to reporting.” (FGD — Youth activists). This helps explain why many participants described disengagement or retreat from public interaction as the more “reliable” protective step. Reporting to authorities or pursuing legal complaints was described as rare and widely seen as unsafe or unclear. A legal KII stated plainly: “I haven’t heard of any girls or women using legal complaints to protect themselves.” (KII — Legal). Another legal KII emphasized the perceived lack of safe, reliable pathways by noting: There is no clear legal text, no clear ­enforcement bodies, and I cannot guarantee that these complaints will be safe. KII — Legal Journalists reinforced the practical barriers from an operational perspective, describing gaps in mechanisms and difficulties in identifying or apprehending owners of defamatory pages. Taken together, these accounts portray low formal reporting not as passivity, but as a response to limited trust and limited expected return. Participants’ motivations for not reporting clustered around risk and predictability. In FGDs, women described fear of scandal and social stigma, and the expectation that complaints may backfire or worsen exposure; they also noted secondary victim-blaming, including accusations that women “caused” the harm by being visible or by sharing content. Survivors echoed this logic through selective disclosure and reluctance to widen awareness of incidents, particularly where reputational harm can spill into family and community consequences. Men’s accounts showed some overlap but also a different balance of perceived risk: one male survivor described never involving acquaintances or family because it “only complicates matters further” (Survivor IDI — Man), and another described legal support as ineffective or pointless beyond the idea of justice, suggesting that reluctance can be driven both by stigma concerns and by low expectations of remedy. Patterns also differed by role and exposure. Journalists and activists described higher likelihood of using professional coping and semi-formal pathways, blocking/ reporting, tightening digital security, using networks for advice, and, in principle, considering lawsuits where possible. Survivors without institutional backing more often describe silence, selective sharing, and retreat as the safest options. Across groups, the same structural reality kept resurfacing: when response pathways feel weak and consequences feel high, reporting becomes a calculated decision, and many default to withdrawal from high-risk spaces or regrouping within trusted, like-minded networks as a form of protection. 4.7.2 Structural impunity The lack of trust in legal and institutional responses reflects a broader environment of structural impunity, and this was explicitly articulated by participants rather than inferred. KIIs respondents stressed that survivors rarely use legal complaints and that pathways are unclear and unsafe, signaling low confidence in formal remedies: “I haven’t heard of any girls or women using legal complaints to protect themselves,” and “There is no clear legal text, no clear enforcement bodies, and I cannot guarantee that these complaints will be safe” (KII — Legal). Media 39

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