DVAW IN CONFLICT ZONES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
to participants in one study, the rise in digital violence against them is driven mainly by poverty and
lack of awareness. Many are quick to trust anyone offering help online, making them easy prey.
These women are also victims of societal customs that allow new husbands—or the family of a
deceased husband—to take their children away if they remarry, forcing them to sacrifice their own
well-being for their children. As a result, many of them turn to the internet in search of grants, aid, and
sponsors—using any means available to provide for themselves and their children. In doing so, they
often fall victim to scammers and extortionists, and at times give in to coercion that deepens the stigma
and discrimination they already face.
In Syria, underage girls have also been targeted, with perpetrators impersonating them online and
threatening to expose them. In Yemen, blackmail has emerged as a way to make money. The study
found that economic collapse and high unemployment have driven many men to engage in online
extortion of women. According to an investigative report published by ARIJ on Yemen, women with
disabilities have also been targeted. In several documented cases, women were emotionally
manipulated by men who promised marriage or help with treatment, only to later blackmail them with
private photos—leading, in one case, to suicide out of fear of public shame.
DVAW in conflict zones across MENA isn’t limited to those living inside the region—it crosses borders.
Many women who are active online but live abroad have faced severe online abuse that prevents them
from participating in political, advocacy, or media work. Some have withdrawn entirely from public life.
According to studies and survivor testimonies, this violence often translates into real-world threats. An
Iraqi journalist living in Turkey with her daughter shared that she continues to receive threats even
after leaving Iraq. Because her mother still lives there, she often responds to threats in an attempt to
de-escalate, fearing harm to her mother. The threats stem from her investigative reporting, especially
on women’s rights in Iraqi society. The journalist was thrown into a panic after Turkey announced it
would allow Iraqis over 60 to enter without a visa. "At any moment," she said, "one of my family
members who wants to eliminate me to 'defend their honor' could enter Turkey and harm me. I know
no one will protect me here, and that terrifies me."
The studies found that digital violence had spilled into real life for 47% of respondents in Syria, 17% in
Iraq, and about one-third in Sudan. In-depth interviews confirmed that this crossover between online
and offline violence is also significant in Yemen and Libya. Many participants said they had to change
their homes, workplaces, or even leave their countries entirely. For instance, Iraqi activist L.L. changed
governorates and homes after receiving death threats from fake accounts. Libyan rights advocate A.B.
fled the country due to ongoing online harassment and threats. In Syria alone, 17% of respondents said
they had to move or change jobs because of online abuse.
Similar patterns appear in Palestine, though the context is even more complex. Hate speech and
incitement have a long history there, tied to a tangled political backdrop. Palestinians face hate speech
both from Israeli occupation forces and channels, and internally, among Palestinian groups. The internal
hate speech often targets political, religious, ethnic, or gender-based differences, and intensifies during
political stagnation—particularly in the absence of a unified national project. Understanding this
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